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From Facebook of Peter Deadman, I got a news-Giovanni Maciocia was gone today.

Peter said: I have just received the terribly sad news of the death of Giovanni Maciocia. I personally owe Giovanni an immense debt as he appeared miraculously as a teacher in my last year of college when I was on the point of giving up in frustration. His teaching was like water in the desert and he was one of the great inspirations in my subsequent career. I was proud that he later became a colleague and friend. I know Giovanni will be mourned by his many thousands of students and friends.

Giovanni Maciocia is one of the most highly respected practitioners of acupuncture and Chinese herbal medicine in Europe. Originally from a medical family in Italy, he trained in England at the International College of Oriental medicine graduating in acupuncture in 1974 after a three-year course. He has been in practice since then.

In 1980, 1982 and 1987 he attended three postgraduate courses in acupuncture in China at the Nanjing University of Traditional Chinese Medicine of the duration of three months each, gaining invaluable knowledge and clinical experience. He reads Chinese and has therefore access to all the Chinese medicine textbooks, old and modern, published in China.

Giovanni Maciocia is the author of “Tongue Diagnosis in Chinese Medicine”, “The Foundations of Chinese Medicine”, “The Practice of Chinese Medicine”, “Obstetrics and Gynaecology in Chinese Medicine” “Diagnosis in Chinese Medicine” and “The Channels of Acupuncture” which have become textbooks for all major acupuncture colleges in the world. Giovanni has recently finished writing a new book on emotional and mental problems which will be published in 2009 under the title “The Psyche in Chinese Medicine – Treatment of Emotional and Mental Disharmonies with Acupuncture and Chinese Herbs”.

Giovanni also studied Western herbalism and graduated from the National Institute of Medical Herbalists in 1977: he has been practising herbal medicine since then.

In 1996, Giovanni Maciocia was appointed Visiting Professor of the Nanjing University of Traditional Chinese Medicine, a foremost teaching institution in China.

Giovanni is the author of many articles published in professional journals and his article on M.E. (post-viral fatigue syndrome) has been published in a Chinese medical journal, an honour rarely bestowed on foreign writers in China. Giovanni has extensive experience in teaching having taught acupuncture and Chinese medicine since 1974 in several schools all over the world. He is well known for his rigorous and meticulous style combining a thorough knowledge of Chinese medicine with 28-years clinical experience. While firmly rooted in traditional Chinese medicine, Giovanni’s ideas are often innovative as the theories of Chinese medicine need to be adapted to Western conditions and new Western diseases. For example, Giovanni ha formulated an innovative and original new theory on the aetiology and pathology of asthma and allergic rhinitis. He also formulated a theory on the aetiology, pathology, diagnosis and treatment of M.E. (Post-Viral Fatigue Syndrome) entirely from scratch as this, being a new disease, did not exist in the Chinese literature.

Giovanni has been practising Tai Ji ChuanBa Gua and Xing Yi since 1975. He currently lives and works in Santa Barbara, California where he lectures.

From Dr Ted Kaptchuk’s foreword to Giovanni’s book Obstetrics and Gynaecology in Chinese Medicine:

Giovanni Maciocia is a respected guide in this transition period of East Asian medicine to the western arena. His accomplishments as a teacher and writer have made him a major force in this successful movement from one world to another. “Foundations of Chinese Medicine”, “Practice of Chinese Medicine” and “Tongue Diagnosis in Chinese Medicine” are all outstanding contributions of scholarship and clinical acumen, and this present volume “Obstetrics and Gynaecology in Chinese Medicine” significantly adds to his accomplishments. Indeed, one begins to see the outlines of a Maciocia transmission or tradition existing within our very own generation.

Giovanni’s Chinese name is Ma Wan Li (shown at the top of this page) which means “horse of ten-thousand miles”.

Nanjing University of Chinese Medicine

Giovanni was recently honoured by his inclusion in the brochure celebrating the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the Nanjing University of Chinese Medicine (where Giovanni attended three courses). Giovanni is described in this brochure as the “Father of Chinese Medicine in Europe”

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The history of acupuncture anesthesia for pneumonectomy in Shanghai during the 1960s was published in May 2016 in Journal of Integrative Medicine.

In which, dry needling is mentioned in 1961 in China.

Liu LG, Fan AY, Zhou H, Hu J. The history of acupuncture anesthesia for pneumonectomy in Shanghai during the 1960s. J Integr Med. 2016; 14(4): 285–290.

http://www.jcimjournal.com/jim/FullText2.aspx?articleID=S2095-4964(16)60253-4

Liu LG, Fan AY, Zhou H, Hu J. Acupuncture Anesthesia in Shanghai during 1960s JIM 2016

ABSTRACT
The success of acupuncture anesthesia (AA) for pneumonectomy in Shanghai in 1960 was a key event for AA gaining practical clinical application. The effort was a close collaboration between the Shanghai First Tuberculosis Hospital and the Shanghai Institute of Acupuncture and Moxibustion. One of the most important factors of AA success was the great financial and political support provided by the Chinese central government and Shanghai local government. In December 1965 the State Science and Technology Commission of China issued a formal document acknowledging AA as an important first-level national achievement of the integration of Chinese and Western medicine, and a collaborative effort of the whole scientific community in China. AA was an important influential factor that helped acupuncture spread across the world.
Keywords: acupuncture anesthesia; pneumonectomy; Shanghai; history of medicine

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Google scholar 2016 Journal Listing CAM

Google scholar listed 20 leading journals in CAM (Complementary and Alternative Medicine, Traditional Chinese Medicine, Acupuncture) field in 2016, please click the link above.

Below is the Journal list I picked as SCI journals in CAM field.

  1. Alternative Medicine Review. IF 3.83 (2014/2015);
  2. Journal of Ethnopharmacology. IF 3.00(2014/2015);
  3. American Journal of Chinese Medicine. IF 2.96 (2015);
  4. Chinese Medicine (UK). IF 2.34(2013);
  5. Complementary Therapies in Medicine. IF 2.22(2013);
  6. BMC Complementary and Alternative Medicine. IF 1.99 (2015);
  7. E-CAM, Evidence-based Complementary and Alternative Medicine. IF 1.88 (2014/2015);
  8. Acupuncture in Medicine. IF 1.67 (2013);
  9. Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine. IF 1.52(2013);
  10. Journal of Alternative Therapies in Health and Medicine. IF 1.14 (2013);
  11. Chinese Journal of Integrative Medicine. IF 1.40 (2013);
  12. Journal of Traditional Chinese Medicine. IF 0.67 (2013);
  13. European Journal of Integrative Medicine. IF 0.65 (2013);
  14. Journal of Acupuncture and Electro-therapies research. IF 0.40 (2013).

 

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Title:Curiosity or cure? Chinese medicine and American orientalism in progressive era California and Oregon
Source:Oregon Historical Quarterly. 114.3 (Fall 2013): p265.
Document Type:Essay

Copyright:COPYRIGHT 2013 Oregon Historical Society

Full Text:

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STUDENTS OF OREGON’S HISTORY may be well acquainted with the story of Ing Hay, purveyor of Kam Wah Chung & Co., a Chinese apothecary in the town of John Day. From 1887 to 1948, Kam Wah Chung & Co. served both Chinese and Euro-American patrons hailing from eastern Oregon, southern Washington, and parts of Idaho. Doc Hay–as he was known to patients–diagnosed illnesses, dispensed herbs, and sold sundry goods imported from China. Hay was one of many Chinese doctors who began immigrating to the United States with the first waves of their countrymen during the 1850s. Most Chinese immigrant enclaves had at least one person acting as the community doctor, whether self-taught or formally trained, and their status as merchants protected them from the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 that barred immigration by laborers. (1)

Taking a page from Alger Hiss, biographers of Chinese immigrant doctors tend to depict them as men who surmounted anti-Asian racism to become leaders in their communities, respected by their Euro-American neighbors, and financially successful. (2) Recent scholarship by historians Haiming Liu and William M. Bowen, for example, has drawn together disparate local histories of individual practitioners to suggest commonalities in their experiences and the significance of Chinese apothecaries to Asian American history. As Liu summarizes: “By examining the history of herbal medicine in America we learn to appreciate the open, engaged, and cosmopolitan nature of Chinese American life.” (3) Liu and Bowen note that Chinese herbalists tended to be among the best-educated of the immigrants and the most likely to forge ties with Euro-American and other non-Chinese neighbors and patients. As a result, Chinese doctors were often able to avoid the worst of racist exploitation and oppression. Their extraordinary experiences provide the counterpoint to the dominant narrative of anti-Chinese racism and exclusion in United States history. (4)

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Yet a simple triumph-over-adversity narrative does not tell us much about the actual strategies that Chinese doctors deployed to secure allies in a hostile environment and stave off the most energetic campaigns against them during the Progressive Era. Beginning in the 1890s and accelerating during the first decades of the twentieth century, the American Medical Association (AMA) joined forces with state and local governments to drive unlicensed doctors–including Chinese herbalists–out of business. (5) Between 1915 and 1929, Ing Hay was the target of a series of indictments for practicing medicine without a license. (Each time, with the help of sympathetic jurists, the charges were dismissed.) (6) Focusing on California and Oregon, two of the states with the largest Chinese immigrant populations during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this article examines representations of Chinese medicine during a period of increasing regulatory scrutiny and asks how such representations differentiated “regular” from “irregular” medicine. (7) It argues that Chinese doctors made the practice of irregular medicine a central component of their appeal to white patients. Ironically, then, Chinese doctors found themselves defending their practices in the very language used to attack them.

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The AMA-government partnership to crack down on irregular doctors was, in many ways, a continuation of the AMA’s long-standing mission. Since its founding in 1847, the organization had endeavored to discredit what it deemed unscientific medical practices through various strategies, including penalizing its members for collaborating with irregular doctors. (8) As a private and voluntary association, the AMA had limited coercive power, but the political culture of the Progressive Era, with its impulse toward bureaucracy, created opportunities for the AMA to extend its reach. A widening acceptance for the germ theory of disease, which had yielded advancements for regular doctors in surgery and the containment of infectious diseases, lent justification to the regulatory movement. Beginning in the 1890s, state medical boards composed of AMA-approved physicians administered mandatory licensing exams that focused on recent medical science and pharmacology. At the same time, new laws empowered states and counties to impose fines and jail time on doctors practicing without a license. (9) The 1910 publication of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching’s Flexner Report, a survey of medical education in America, helped legitimate and galvanize the AMA’s mission to standardize a science-based medical curriculum. The foundation inspected and scored 155 American and Canadian medical schools, both orthodox and unorthodox, reserving the report’s most scathing criticisms for eclectic, homeopathic, and osteopathic institutions. (10) In response, numerous medical schools closed, merged, or reorganized to reduce the number of students and elevate the requirements for admission, training, and graduation. (11)

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AMA physicians pursued an aggressive campaign against irregular doctors because there was so little popular consensus about whether “scientific” medicine was actually superior to other practices. Across the public, faith in science competed with a host of other preferences and fears. Despite real improvements in science-based medicine and surgery, early-twentieth-century patients still associated regular doctors with harsh emetics and risky operations. (12) Irregular doctors tended toward less invasive procedures and often prescribed herbal medicines similar to the homegrown remedies many patients already found familiar. (13) Hay’s Euro-American patients often came to him after their self-fashioned treatments failed. When seeking help for her daughter’s infected finger, for example, Mrs. Fred Deardorff wrote: “I have been using flax seed poultis [sic] and white of egg but without much results.” (14) Another of Hay’s patients, Mrs. M.J. Baker of Burns, Oregon, suffered from a tumor on the left side of her neck. She wrote, beseeching him to treat it with herbs: “I would be so glad if you could reduce that as the dr [sic] are wanting to cut it out and I have such a dread of the knife.” (15) Hay’s patients may have found his approach more regular and familiar, while surgery and other scientific practices were more irregular and scary.

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During the Progressive Era, Chinese doctors became useful subjects for American writers seeking to explain the differences between regular and irregular medicine. By their own admission, Chinese doctors were trained in ancient healing arts that bore little resemblance to modern, scientific medicine. Although health practices in China varied from drug therapy to acupuncture to mystical healing, practitioners in the United States tended to focus on diagnosis by pulse (or pulsology) and herbal remedies. (16) Thus, Chinese medicine became a perfect foil to the AMA-sanctioned scientific medicine.

Descriptions of Chinese medicine drew on American Orientalist ideas and attitudes. American Orientalism was a popular discourse that developed in the context of trade and diplomatic relations between the United States and China over the course of the nineteenth century and that linked unequal power relations between West and East to the presumed racial inferiority of Asian races. American perceptions of Asians as backwards and barbarous, decadent and effeminate, served as justification for exclusionary and discriminatory practices and policies. (17) For white Americans who believed Chinese were racially inferior, it was no stretch to impose the same stereotypes onto Chinese herbal remedies. Attacks on Chinese medicine ridiculed the practice as anti-modern or unscientific and, at best, suited only to serve women’s medical problems.

Yet, American Orientalism’s presumption of Asian racial inferiority went hand-in-hand with an attraction to East Asian arts, material culture, and philosophy. As historian Henry Yu noted in Thinking Orientals, Asians in America “have been both valued and denigrated for what was assumed to be different about them.” (18) While the American elite had a long history of collecting Chinese and Japanese objects and studying eastern religions, by the end of the nineteenth century, the American fascination with “Orientalia” had become a more widespread cultural phenomenon. (19) Chinese and Japanese consumer goods were now available to mass markets through mail-order catalogs and department stores. At the same time, world fairs and travelling shows popularized “Oriental” arts, ideas, and religions. (20)

The contradiction embedded within American Orientalist discourse–that Asian exoticism made the race both inferior and desirable–created an opportunity for Chinese doctors in the United States. For patients who distrusted modern medical science, the doctors realized, Chinese medicine’s perceived otherness could be a mark of superiority to western or regular doctors’ practices. Letters to Hay and other Chinese herbalists from non-Chinese patients often reflected the hope that their remedies might succeed where non-Chinese doctors had failed. (21) It thus could be advantageous for Chinese doctors to adopt the discourse of American Orientalism and use it to their advantage. Uncertainties about modern medical science and American Orientalist attitudes formed both the basis of attacks on Chinese medicine as well as its defense.

Portrayals of Chinese medicine by non-Chinese writers did double duty. They were, at the surface, studies of an exotic culture, and they reinforced racist assumptions about Chinese immigrants. More fundamentally, they reflected anxieties and uncertainties, particularly about modern medical science. An 1869 Overland Monthly article, “Medical Art in the Chinese Quarter,” introduced Chinese medicine to readers so as to instruct them in the very latest in regular medical science. Written by Rev. A.W. Loomis, a former missionary to China and frequent contributor to the magazine on matters related to Chinese immigrant life and culture in San Francisco, the article described Chinese medicine as based more in mysticism than scientific evidence:

So much study by so many learned men on one subject; so many thousands–yea, millions–of life-times spent in this study since the days of Noah until now, it might reasonably be supposed ought to have brought this science in China to a high state of perfection; but such is not the fact … There still remains a higher veneration for ancient than for modern discoveries, and the more smoky, thumb-worn, and worm-eaten a doctor’s library appears, the more reverence, other things being equal, will usually be accorded to his opinions.

According to Loomis, superstition prevented Chinese doctors from acquiring knowledge of anatomy or chemistry. Internal organs, nerves, and vessels, the author claimed, were “terra incognita” to doctors whose veneration for the intact human body prevented them from dissecting even post-mortem. Loomis described the Chinese theory of anatomical correspondences and channels well enough to explain the basis of pulsology, but he summarily dismissed the practice as insufficient for diagnosis: “None but quacks … pretend to trust entirely to the pulse. “Disparaging pulsology provided an opportunity for Loomis to educate readers on modern medical diagnosis: “The regular faculty speak of four methods by which the diagnosis must be obtained, viz.: 1st. By observation … 2d. By hearing … 3d. By questions … and 4th. The pulse. “Loomis concluded his expose of Chinese medical arts by cautioning readers against forsaking “the new theories and freshly discovered medicines of the young nations of the West, for the theories which wise men of the East in the ages long ago invented.” (22) Even Chinese immigrants to San Francisco, he claimed, once introduced to the “American” science of medicine, preferred regular doctors for treatment.

Although other late-nineteenth-century accounts did not make such overt comparisons with regular medicine, they repeated the notion that Chinese medicine was more a curiosity than a science. The intent may have been to entertain a non-Chinese audience of readers, but the effect was to emphasize the arcane and exotic, reinforcing American Orientalist attitudes. The apothecary, with its jumble of jars containing mysterious ingredients, featured prominently in late-nineteenth-century travel accounts to Chinese ethnic enclaves. The Chinese formulary was especially interesting to writers touring Chinatown in the late nineteenth century.

In 1875, Lippincott’s Magazine published a description of Chinese medicine in San Francisco as part of a “stroll” through Chinatown. The author, J.W. Ames, professed no special knowledge of Chinese culture and engaged a policeman to escort him through the darker byways, into restaurants, opium dens, and the apothecary of famed physician Li Po Tai. Ames seemed at first taken aback by the banality of the shop’s appearance, which looked to him like any other drugstore with its drawers and jars, but once the policeman opened a drawer for Ames’s inspection, the difference was apparent: “[The drawer] is divided into four equal compartments, one containing partially charred bones of lions and tigers; another dried bugs … a third, some lentil-like seeds; and the fourth, small fragments of bark.” The presumptuous officer continued opening drawers with no indicated permission from the shopkeeper while Ames marveled at their contents: rhinoceros-horn shavings, elephant’s skin, “and the gallipots–quaint little earthen vessels with red labels in character–contain such sovereign remedies as alligator’s gall, ass’s glue, the flesh of dogs, and many other specifics that a scientific mind alone could appreciate. “Later, gazing upon medical charts of the human body with bemusement, Ames remarked on the visual depiction of the Chinese theory of channels: “something not greatly unlike viscera were plentifully arranged in regular rows of parallels and generously piled up almost to the chin. For such an internal economy no doubt the mixed tigers’ bones and tumblebugs are tonic and effectual. “He also noted the work of Tai’s apprentice, “naked to the waist … compounding some witch’s brew. “Ames reported that he left the shop, not with courteous thanks, but with a cry of terror: “We closed the door with a bang and ran howling to the open air.” (23)

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The fascination with the Chinese formulary continued into the early twentieth century. In 1903, when the San Francisco Chronicle shadowed Hop Lee as he hunted for and processed horned toads for his pharmacy, the reporter described the interior of a “typical” Chinese druggist: “If one takes the trouble or has the impertinence to peek into the shanties in the Chinese quarters of either San Francisco or Los Angeles, he will invariably discover what at first glance appears to be a collection of preserved fruit, but which on closer inspection proves to be canned toads, centipedes, rattlesnakes, worms, scorpions, and bugs.” (24) In 1907, the Los Angeles Times cautioned its readers: “Those who make wry faces at swallowing a blue mass or castor oil may find relief in knowing what the sick Chinaman swallows.” The reporter went on to list Chinese materia medica derived from minerals, vegetables, animals, and even the human body. (25)

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Articles about Chinese doctors often dwelled on their perceived connection to a criminal underworld. Real and imagined connections between Chinese herbs and death-by-poisoning made for exciting newspaper copy and confirmed stereotypes that associated Chinese with barbarity. In 1883, the New York Times published an article on a “Coroners’ Manual” that outlined Chinese methods of murder and suicide by poison: “The commonest poisons are said to be opium, arsenic, and certain noxious essences derived from herbs. But besides these other things are taken by suicides and given by murderers to cause death.” The article went on to describe a special “Golden Silkworm … reared by miscreants” in the southern provinces and the preferred method of suicide among wealthy Chinese men–swallowing gold or silver to effect suffocation or internal bleeding. (26) San Francisco’s Daily Call attributed the murder of Chinatown doctor Ng See Poy to so-called “Chinese highbinders,” a secret society of Chinese American assassins, blackmailers, and assorted criminals. (27)

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Reports of unpalatable ingredients and dubious morality did not seem to diminish the popularity of Chinese medicine, which continued to attract Euro-American patients, much to the consternation of its critics. How could something so barbaric, so retrograde, appeal to civilized Americans? English-language newspapers found their answer in American Orientalist stereotypes: If Chinese doctors were innately deviant, so must be their patients. When Louis Potter, a prominent New York sculptor, died in Seattle in 1912, the coroner identified the culprit as poison extracted from peach trees and prescribed by a Chinese doctor. Articles about Potter’s death lingered over the “mystical” details of Chinese medicine. “Potter,” the reporter lamented, “apparently had great faith in his oriental physician.” The article went on to describe the state of the body: “Dr. Snyder [the coroner] said that in addition to the abrasions of the skin into which the oriental herbs were rubbed and a strong plaster applied, Potter apparently had been taking a strong medicine. … Six large bottles of the black fluid had been consumed in eight days. The Coroner has not determined the nature of the concoction.” (28) The intrigue was only compounded by the presence of a “mysterious companion,” a woman who would not divulge her identity but who admitted that she was not the sculptor’s wife: “The Coroner described the woman as ‘apparently highly intellectual’.” (29) Newspapers covering the Potter death subtly intimated a link between dangerous Chinese medicine and a dissolute lifestyle of artists and “intellectuals.” The implication was that unwholesome and unconventional characters patronized Chinese doctors.

Attacks on Chinese doctors often became attacks on their female clientele, reflecting common anxieties about independent women during the Progressive Era. During the first decades of the twentieth century, American women–especially among the white middle class–achieved greater education and professional prominence. That pattern held true in both California and Oregon, where women’s increasing role in public affairs was evident not only among middle-class women, who helped lead the fight for equal suffrage in California in 1911 and in Oregon in 1912, but also among working-class women, who participated in major strikes of textile workers, restaurant workers, telephone operators, and glove makers. (30) Women’s visibility and power sparked the creation of anti-suffrage leagues and other anti-feminist organizations, all united by fears that women’s rights to self-assertion in political, economic, and personal affairs would subvert traditional male authority. (31)

Female patronage of Chinese doctors seemed like evidence of that subversive trend. In 1907, the Los Angeles Times reported contemptuously on women’s affinity for Chinese doctors:

The oriental “healer” business has increased wonderfully in Los Angeles in the last three years. Chinese “physicians” who formerly were barely able to make a living, came here and waxed fat and rich. The places conducted by some of these smooth-tongued Celestials have been patronized largely by women. They seem to find something “romantic” in visiting the yellow quacks and having a “doctor” with long finger nails, a little round, black cap, with a red topknot, and loose, flowing robes, “prescribe” for their ills. (32)

The Los Angeles Times’ depiction of the apothecary managed to mock both Chinese physicians and their white, female patients. Chinese doctors were foppish and effeminate, and their patients were fools. Decadence and luxury hinted at something nefarious and duplicitous: “Most of these places are beautifully furnished with oriental draperies, teak-wood furniture, Chinese porcelains, and other fittings calculated to create an impression of culture and wealth.” (33) Female patients were, in effect, entranced by Chinese doctors. The article implied that this susceptibility revealed their innate feminine weakness and irrationality and their inability to make sound decisions for their health care.

After a wave of arrests of Chinese doctors practicing medicine without a license in Los Angeles County, coverage of the trials became opportunities for newspapers to underscore the exoticism and gendered deviance of the “irregular” physicians. The Los Angeles Times reported the arrest and arraignment of Tom Leung, “the millionaire Chinese doctor” and proprietor of the Leung Herb Company of Los Angeles. The article lingered over the details of Leung’s appearance (“faultlessly dressed, wearing a frock coat and silk hat”) and soberly noted: “Women have been used to get evidence.” (34) When Leung was arrested yet again a few years later, the same newspaper lavished attention on the “fancy costumes” worn by Leung and his fellow physicians: “The Chinese were arrayed in robes of wonderful richness, and the appointments of the rooms carried the impression of Oriental mystery.” (35) In a 1907 sting operation conducted by the Los Angeles Police Department, a “woman detective” went undercover to get evidence that G.S. Chan was prescribing medicine without a license. The detective became more of a curiosity for the newspaper than the Chinese herbalist, who turned out to be far less exotic than the spectators attending the trial hoped he would be. Chan arrived in court “attired in garments of the latest fashion. … The spectators looked for the long, plaited hair and swishy clothes and were … disappointed.” Bessie K. Hall, the undercover detective, however, happily provided salacious detail for the newspaper, which reported that she “was married in Bakersfield but has not been living with her husband for some years past.” (36) Extraneous information about dress and marital status became a kind of rhetorical shorthand that allowed writers to convey the gender and racial deviance of Chinese physicians and their patients.

Chinese medicine did have some defenders in the English-language press, but they also tended to rely on the well-rehearsed tropes of American Orientalist discourse. In an 1899 article for Lippincott’s Magazine, William Tisdale decried journalists who described Chinese physicians in terms more befitting a haunted house than a place of business:

Newspaper writers in search of a sensation … thread narrow alleys and climb dark stairways to find him in his secluded den, and relate thrilling stories of wrinkled mummies who felt their quickly-beating pulses and wrote prescriptions for sharks’ fins, or spiders’ eggs, or dried toads and lizards. These fairy tales go the rounds and are read by thousands who shudder at their imaginary horrors. (37)

Tisdale was careful to distinguish trained Chinese physicians from pretenders, and he spoke highly of diagnosis by pulse: “Whether it is based on some form of chicanery or upon science, it is certainly successful.” (38) Yet, even as Tisdale commended Chinese medicine for its efficacy, he could not resist embellishing his praise with references to the mystical and supernatural. The ability to diagnose by pulse, he claimed, was “analogous to the sixth sense which the blind sometimes possess.” (39) Tisdale’s article alternated between describing the apothecary as an ordinary, American doctor’s office and lingering on the most exotic details of the doctor’s costume and herbal formulary, indicating a fundamental uncertainty about how to extol the virtues of Chinese medicine: Did it work because it was like American medicine or because it was not? Tisdale’s ambivalence was reflected in how he excerpted his interviews with white patients. He included the full gamut of responses, from those who “freely assert that the Chinese system of medicine is more rational” than regular medicine to those who marveled at what “these degraded heathen can do with their herbs, which our own doctors with all their skill and knowledge cannot.” (40) Tisdale found ways to promote Chinese medicine by both denying and affirming its racial otherness. Defenders of Chinese medicine, thus, could use the vocabulary of American Orientalism to signal its distance from modern medical practice and its more dubious innovations.

In addition to court proceedings and newspaper interviews, Chinese doctors in California and Oregon spoke publicly for their own practices through printed advertisements, where they had the most control over their message. Doctors could convey the nature of their work through self-selected words and images. Typically, advertisements underscored the effectiveness and safety of Chinese herbal remedies. Most advertisements featured a photograph of the physician, usually wearing distinctly Chinese garb but sometimes dressed in a western coat and tie. (41) Many included fawning testimonials from white patients recounting near-miraculous cures through the application of herbal remedies.

In short- and long-form advertisements, Chinese doctors consciously employed and reinterpreted racist stereotypes used by their attackers. Li Wing, for example, published in 1902 The Science of Oriental Medicine, Diet, and Hygiene, a 326-page advertisement for his Chinese pharmacy in Los Angeles, the Foo & Wing Herb Company. Using the word science in its title, The Science of Oriental Medicine aimed to dispel the stereotypes that Chinese medicine was behind the times and its doctors barbaric, but it did so in an unexpected way: The book embraced backwardness and barbarism as virtues, not weaknesses. The Science of Oriental Medicine introduced readers to the Oriental system of medicine, including how its general principles and treatments compared to American medicine. (42) According to Li, the “science” of The Science of Oriental Medicine was based on ancient and seemingly inhumane practices. Counter to prevailing myths that the Chinese did not understand how the human body worked, The Science of Oriental Medicine insisted that their anatomical knowledge was superior to that of regular, American doctors because Chinese doctors dissected live humans, not cadavers:

When the Chinese commenced to study medicine they went at once to the root of different questions involved by practicing vivisection. Thousands of condemned criminals were taken and cut to pieces for the benefit of the living. In this way the functions of the vital organs such as the kidneys, the liver, the stomach, the spleen, and the heart were studied in the living person. The intensely important questions involved in the digestion of foods were determined as well as the effects of different drugs. These investigations, made while the man was still alive, were a thousand times more thorough and reliable than the guesswork which civilized physicians have practiced for many years by cutting up the bodies of dead men, when heat, motion, and life are gone and death has destroyed every function. (43)

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In reality, Chinese doctors probably did not perform vivisections on condemned criminals or anyone else; early Chinese medical texts, like non-Chinese medical texts of the same era, relied on postmortem analysis of internal organs. (44) Nevertheless, the effect of such an anecdote might have been both shocking and comforting for potential white patients. Chinese doctors, supposedly racially inclined toward barbarity, had used their unsavory predilection for the advancement of medical science. They could, therefore, comprehend what civility and morality prevented regular, Euro-American doctors from comprehending: how medications actually worked on the living body.

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Similarly, advertisements for Chinese doctors played on racist assumptions about their effeminacy. Where critics of Chinese medicine saw gender deviance, Chinese doctors saw business opportunities and deliberately targeted female patients in their advertisements. In the case of doctors and brothers T. Foo Yuen and Tom Leung in Los Angeles, most early-twentieth-century advertisements they published in the Los Angeles Times showed a doctor in traditional Chinese garb, seated and practicing diagnosis by pulse (pulsology) on a white male patient. The drawing reproduced a photograph that appeared in The Science of Oriental Medicine, and it inspired a nearly identical advertisement featuring a drawing of a white woman. The patient is clothed in attire and coiffed in a way that bespeaks of Victorian affluence and respectability. (45) There is no hint of impropriety in the relationship between the male Chinese doctor and female white patient. Whereas in the original ad, the male patient and doctor’s faces were slightly turned in, suggesting the possibility of making eye contact, the female patient and her doctor connect only at the wrist. The woman’s face is tilted toward her doctor, but the doctor looks out toward the viewer and unquestionably does not meet her gaze. Diagnosis by pulse required no disrobing, no intimate touching, and–as this particular ad suggested–not even locking eyes.

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Business cards from the 1910s advertising Kam Wah Chung & Co. likewise appealed to female clientele and their desires. In the advertisements, Kam Wah Chung & Co. was not just selling “medical herbs, groceries, Chinese goods and general merchandise”; it also was selling a vision of modern femininity. (46) Each card portrays a white woman: “Lillian” dressed for a game of golf, “Clara” posing in a fur-trimmed coat, “Dorothy” gaily ice skating, and “Margaret” looking regal in finely draped robes and upswept hair. These were not images of the eastern Oregon ranching and farm wives who patronized Kam Wah Chung & Co. but perhaps representations of what they aspired to be. It is difficult to determine how successful these images were at drawing women to Chinese medicine, but we can tell from patient letters that Hay likely served more female patients than male. (47) Perhaps such images of sophistication and affluence appealed to Hay’s non-Chinese clientele, who tended to come from eastern Oregon merchant, farming, and ranching families with some wealth. Some of his patients had descended from the most prominent pioneers of Grant County and its neighboring counties, including the Deardorffs, the Keerins, the Van Bibbers, and onetime Mayor of Burns, Oregon, J.C. Welcome, among others. The middling status of these non-Chinese patients is not surprising; the initial visit and diagnosis cost $25, and patients typically paid anywhere between $7.50 and $15.00 for a supply of medicine to last them two weeks. (48)

In longer form advertisements, both Li Wing in Los Angeles and C. Gee Wo in Portland spoke directly to female patients through promotional books. Their depiction of femininity was much narrower than that of Kam Wah Chung & Co.’s business cards and conformed more closely to the old-fashioned Victorian ideal of “true womanhood,” which identified domesticity (along with piety, purity, and submissiveness) as the source of women’s social power and moral authority. While a woman might express her domesticity as a wife, daughter, or sister, the mother was the ultimate manifestation of Victorian femininity. (49) In advertisements targeting English-speaking clientele, Wing and Wo appealed to that tradition by highlighting Chinese medicine’s capacity to restore fertility to women. (50)

Li’s The Science of Oriental Medicine included a chapter specifically addressing “The Diseases of Women” in which he decried gynecological surgeries as “a fad pure and simple.” (51) The Science of Oriental Medicine emphasized herbs’ capacity to defend natural womanhood against “modern ways of life.” (52) Wing attributed women’s ailments–such as irregular periods to cancers–to excessive food, alcohol, and parties; “overwork” and anxiety; and the use of contraceptives, which The Science of Oriental Medicine called “various perversions of marriage.” (53) Chinese herbs, Wing claimed, were “particularly adapted” to counter the poisonous effects of modern living and modern medicine. (54)

Wo’s Things Chinese, a hundred-page book that publicized his office and herb shop in downtown Portland, similarly denounced modern birth control and other forms of interventionist medicine for their detrimental effects on women’s health: “Why is it that the women of the twentieth century are not strong, healthy, and robust as the women of the first part of the nineteenth century? And why not mothers of a large family of strong, rosy-cheeked, and healthy children, as their mothers and grandmothers had been before them?” (55) The answer, according to Wo, was modern medicine’s tendency to “unsex” women by encouraging them to interrupt menses, seek abortions, or otherwise alter their reproductive systems. Wo declared that his herbal remedies could strengthen women’s organs, eliminating menstrual pains and tumors and restoring fertility.

Advertisements for Chinese medicine also frequently played on seeming contradictions, combining characteristics derived from American Orientalism with their opposite. In the discussion of vivisection, for example, readers of The Science of Oriental Medicine learned in later pages that the “condemned criminals” had voted to submit to live vivisection. What might have seemed barbaric was in fact democratic. (56) More commonly, advertisements portrayed Chinese herbal remedies as both modern (based on science) and old-fashioned (based on ancient folkways). In The Science of Oriental Medicine, Wing cited “an exhaustive study” from Berkeley chemistry professor Walter C. Blasdale on the medicinal benefits of Chinese vegetables: “He believes that many of these will ultimately become of general use and of great value to American and European nations.” Wing asserted that the knowledge of those healing vegetables was “ancient” but also confirmed by a modern scientist, in this case a chemist. (57) Similarly, Portland-based doctor C. Gee Wo advertised that he moved his business to a building that could house his “modern equipment” and laboratory. (58) Like The Science of Oriental Medicine, Things Chinese played up the “scientific” aspects of his practice. The fifth edition included an article by a white doctor on the medicinal value of vitamins, a recent discovery in 1924:

Our grandmothers had “herb teas” that shamed the apothecary’s art. The Indians’ “roots and herbs” were the Puritans’ delight. The Chinese have a remarkable faculty for choosing out matchless herbal remedies. At Portland, Oregon the well-known C. Gee Wo Chinese Medicine Company has the acme of reputation for giving out the very best of such preparations, and best because they are rich in remedial vitamins. (59)

Pairing references to grandmothers, Indians, and Puritans with vitamins simultaneously underscored the deep, historical roots of Chinese herbal remedies and connected them to Americans’ evolving understanding of diet and nutrition. Chinese herbs were both old-fashioned and newfangled.

The concept of nature helped Wing and Wo articulate the benefits of their “ancient science.” What was natural or unnatural could have many meanings for Chinese doctors in the early twentieth century. Broadly speaking, in the Chinese tradition, nature’s laws balanced the various elements believed to control bodily functions. In practice, how Chinese doctors went about restoring balance varied widely depending on their individual interpretations and applications of classical medical texts. (60) In the context of promoting Chinese medicine to American audiences, Wing and Wo both used nature to cast doubt on modern medical science. In The Science of Oriental Medicine, Wing claimed that herbal remedies were “founded upon a complete understanding of Nature’s laws. Americans carry their theories of science to extremes and get too far away from the simple, fundamental facts upon which health depends.” (61) Wo insisted that his prescriptions were “nature’s own remedies, and contain no poisonous minerals or drugs.” (62) As in many literary traditions, nature could be an antidote to modernity.

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Nature also helped Wing and Wo combat sensationalist descriptions of Chinese apothecaries packed with desiccated animal and human body parts. In Things Chinese, Wo repeatedly described his ingredients as “roots, bark, herbs, vegetables, and flowers,” nothing strange or noxious. (63) Indeed, most of the Chinese physician’s formulary at this time likely would have been medicinal herbs and vegetables with rarer, more expensive ingredients such as deer antler and tiger’s bone used only sparingly. (64) In The Science of Oriental Medicine, Wing explained that Chinese herbs were essentially common vegetables, and consuming them was as natural as eating regular food:

Now compare the use of these substances as medicines with the use of minerals or local applications of mechanical devices. We can understand how a vegetable substance which is in the nature of a food can be taken into the blood and carried to the weakened portion of the body which needs special feeding and will there render the necessary assistance. But we cannot understand anything of the sort in reference to a mineral which is indigestible or to a poison which is injurious to a well person. Here is the whole difference in the methods of treatment in a nutshell. (65)

Wo described how Chinese herbs were harvested wild and then tended in farmyards “in the same manner as a gardener tends to his choicest flowers.” (66) Such pastoral images aimed to diminish the exoticism of Chinese herbal remedies. In contrast to the simple cultivation of medicinal herb gardens, the derivation of regular medicine from minerals and metals might have seemed strange and potentially dangerous to potential patients.

Thus, in print advertisements, Chinese doctors crafted an image of Chinese medicine as based on an ancient science, with herbal remedies that were simultaneously familiar and exotic, natural and strange. Where popular stereotypes denigrated the Chinese by associating them with femininity, Chinese doctors highlighted their close connection with women and special knowledge of their ailments. Such was the source of Chinese medicine’s efficacy, Chinese doctors’ authority, and their superiority to the so-called regular medicine.

Biographies of Chinese doctors quite rightly marvel at the ability of some individuals to form long-standing and successful businesses in the United States. Ing Hay, Li Po Tai, and others weathered economic depressions, anti-Chinese violence, and other ordeals. They did so not by overcoming racism but rather finding ways to use it to their advantage. American Orientalist tropes of backwardness, barbarity, and effeminacy furnished Chinese doctors and their patients with a common language. Although it took some rhetorical effort to transform flaws into features, the ability to speak to and attract white patients helped Chinese doctors survive and prosper, even in an era of increased regulatory scrutiny and prosecution for practicing irregular medicine.

Yet, the reliance of Chinese doctors on American Orientalist thinking was a devil’s bargain. Chinese doctors capitalized on their perceived exoticism, but in doing so, they limited themselves and their practices to the margins of American medicine. With very few exceptions, Chinese herbalists did not acquire medical licenses; nor did state boards create alternative examinations for Chinese doctors as they did for other irregular practitioners such as homeopaths, chiropractors, and osteopaths. (67) By conforming to American Orientalist expectations, Chinese doctors helped cement their medicine’s marginal status for generations to come.

During the 1970s, improved foreign relations with China combined with the countercultural embrace of eastern philosophies and renewed American public interest in Chinese medicine, particularly acupuncture. Whereas acupuncture had traditionally served as preventive medicine for poor and rural populations unable to afford other treatments, during the 1970s and increasingly during the 1980s, acupuncture became a hallmark of what anthropologist Mei Zhan has called “hip, middle-class, cosmopolitan lifestyles that emphasize overall well-being and mind-body health.” (68) During the 1980s and 1990s, schools for Oriental medicine began to open across the United States, with Portland, Oregon, becoming home to two major training centers, the Oregon College of Oriental Medicine, founded in 1983, and a new program in classical Chinese medicine initiated in 1992 at the National College of Natural Medicine. (69) In the 1990s, Chinese medicine received a further boost when Congress decided to exempt herbal remedies from Food and Drug Administration (FDA) regulation despite pressure from the AMA. Around the same time, the National Institutes of Health established a permanent office for the study of “alternative medicine,” including traditionally Chinese practices. (70) Since its American renaissance in the 1970s, Chinese medicine has been the subject of increasing interest among American medical researchers and doctors. It remains to be seen if this attention will lead to greater acceptance for Chinese medicine in mainstream health care. That acceptance will have to overcome a long historical campaign to define Chinese medicine in opposition to regular medicine, a campaign in which Chinese doctors played a significant part.

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Caption: A visitor examines a framed copy of the Declaration of Independence on display in the Oregon Historical Society’s Windows on America echibition.

Caption: T. Foo Yuen (right), President of the Foo & Wing Herb Company, and his son Tom How Wing (center) diagnosed the pulse of friend W.A Hallowell. The photo appeared in Li Wing’s 326-page promotional pamphlet The Science of Oriental Medicine, Diet, and Hygiene in 1902.

Caption: Kam Wah Chung & Co., show here in a 1909 photograph, was located in the Chinese district of John Day, Oregon, which was home to five or six hundred inhabitants in the 1880s. Drawn to eastern Oregon by a mining boom, Chinese immigrants used Kam Wah Chung & Co. as a meeting place, post office, and apothecary.

Caption: Abraham Flexner (pictured in 1895) authored a 1910 report for the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. The Flexner Report surveyed medical education in the United States and helped justify increased regulation of the medical profession according to strict, science-based guidelines.

Caption: “Doc” Ing Hay meets with an unidentified woman outside the Kam Wah Chung building.

Caption: The above image from about 1900 shows one of the many apothecaries in San Francisco’s Chinatown. The herbalist behind the counter filled prescriptions by selecting from hundreds of herbs contained in the many containers and drawers lining the walls. This image was featured on a postcard, suggesting the popularity of visiting such a shop on a tour of Chinatown in the early twentieth century.

Caption: Mortars and pestles were used to prepare herbal remedies at Kam Wah Chung & Co. (The photo was taken after the building was made a historic landmark and restored in the 1970s.)

Caption: A postcard from the early 1900s depicts the interior of a “Chinese Drugstore” in San Francisco’s Chinatown.

Caption: The “Twelve Pulse [sic] of the Human Body,” in The Science of Oriental Medicine illustrates twelve vital organs within the human body and their corresponding pulses. Chinese doctors examine patients’ pulses to determine the condition of the vital organs and the person’s overall health.

Caption: A 1912 advertisement for the Foo & Wing Herb Co. targeted Euro-American women patients by dispelling any fears of impropriety associated with diagnosis by pulse.

Caption: A 1904 advertisement for the Foo & Wing Herb Co. shows diagnosis by pulse. The drawing was based on a photograph originally printed in The Science of Oriental Medicine, Diet, and Hygiene.

Caption: Examples of Kam Wah Chung & Co.’s business cards, featuring “Dorothy” and “Clara,” were intended to appeal to the apothecary’s Euro-American, female clientele.

Caption: The back cover of C. Gee Wo’s promotional booklet, Things Chinese, displayed a photograph of the physician’s disembodied head floating over his newly expanded apothecary located on the corner of Alder and Third streets in downtown Portland, Oregon.

Caption: Ing Hay was photographed as a young man in Baker City, Oregon, shortly after he emigrated from Toisan County in China’s Kwantung Province. (Courtesy of Kam Wah Chung Museum.)

Caption: The Kam Wah Chung & Co. building in Canyon City, Oregon in the 1990 s. (Courtesy of Kam Wah Chung Museum.)

NOTES

(1.) William M. Bowen, “The Five Eras of Chinese Medicine in California,” in The Chinese in America: A History from Gold Mountain to the Millennium, ed. Susie Lan Cassel (Walnut Creek, Cal.: AltaMira Press, 2002), 175.

(2.) At present, most of the historical work on Chinese medicine in the American West has focused on individual doctors and their shops, including most famously Ing Hay but also Wah Hing of Fiddletown, California, Ah Fong of Boise, Idaho, and Li Po Tai of San Francisco, California. See, for example, Jeffrey Barlow and Christine Richardson, China Doctor of John Day (Portland, Ore.: Binford and Mort, 1979); Ramona Kimbrell, “Ah Sang–The Chinese Doctor,” Tales of the Paradise Ridge, 13:2 (December 1972): 25-32; Will Sarvis, “Gifted Healer Ing Hay and the Chinese Medical Tradition in Eastern Oregon,” Journal of the West, 44:3 (Summer 2005): 62-69; Aminda M. Smith, “Choosing Chinese Medicine,” Journal of the West, 46:3 (Summer 2007): 24-31; and Kenneth H. Marcus and Yong Chen, “Inside and Outside Chinatown: Chinese Elites in Exclusion Era California,” Pacific Historical Review, 80:3 (August 2011): 369-400.

(3.) Haiming Liu, “Chinese Herbalists in America,” in Chinese American Transnationalism: The Flow of People, Resources, ed. Sucheng Chan (Philadelphia, Penn.: Temple University Press, 2006), 155.

(4.) Bowen, “The Five Eras of Chinese Medicine in California,” 189-90; Haiming Liu, The Transnational History of a Chinese Family: Immigrant Letters, Family Business, and Reverse Migration (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2005); Haiming Liu, “The Resilience of Ethnic Culture: Chinese Herbalists in the American Medical Profession,” Journal of Asian American Studies (1998): 173-91.

(5.) John S. Haller, Jr., American Medicine in Transition, 1840-1910 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981), 223.

(6.) As quoted in Sarvis, “Gifted Healer Ing Hay,” 67.

(7.) Historians use the terms regular, western, allopathic, or orthodox medicine to define a set of practices sanctioned by professional associations of doctors and public health institutions, state licensing boards, and major medical schools. Terms such as irregular or alternative medicine define other practices. These terms are problematic and ahistorical. At the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, American medicine was a mosaic of allopaths and homeopaths, emergent practices of osteopathy, naturopathy, and chiropractic, distributors of proprietary drugs and devices, and faith healers. Nonetheless, the distinction between “regular” doctors and “irregular” doctors was apparent to their patients even if it was not well defined, and for the historian, such terms become impossible to avoid. For a survey of “alternative” medicine and its interactions with “regular” or “orthodox medicine” from the eighteenth century to the near present, see James C. Whorton, Nature Cures: The History of Alternative Medicine in America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).

(8.) Whorton, Nature Cures, 68-69.

(9.) James Gordon Burrow, Organized Medicine in the Progressive Era: The Move Toward Monopoly, 12; Whorton, Nature Cures, 135.

(10.) Burrow, Organized Medicine in the Progressive Era, 42-43.

(11.) Haller, American Medicine in Transition, 229.

(12.) Historians of medicine have demonstrated the declining use of mineral cathartics by American regular physicians by the 1860s and major strides in surgical techniques and sterilization by the 1890s, but patient testimonials and articles in the popular press show that fears about “regular” practices persisted well into the twentieth century. John Harley Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective: Medical Practice, Knowledge, and Identity in America, 1820-1885 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986), 5-6; Charles E. Rosenberg, The Care of Strangers: The Rise of America’s Hospital System (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), 148-49.

(13.) For more on Indian herbal remedies see William G. Rothstein, “The Botanical Movements and Orthodox Medicine,” in Other Healers: Unorthodox Medicine in Modern America, ed. Norman Gevitz (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988).

(14.) Mrs. Fred Deardorff to Ing Hay, n.d., Kam Wah Chung Papers [microform], reel 2, Oregon Historical Society Research Library, Portland [hereafter Kam Wah Chung Papers].

(15.) Mrs. M.J. Baker to Ing Hay, November 3, 1911, Kam Wah Chung Papers, reel 1. See also James F. Draplan to Ing Hay, October 8, n.d., Kam Wah Chung Papers, reel 2.

(16.) Ted Kaptchuk, O.M.D., The Web That Has No Weaver (Chicago: Contemporary Books, 2000), 18-19; Paul S. Unschuld, Medicine in China: A History of Ideas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 4-5.

(17.) John Kuo Wei Tchen, New York Before Chinatown: Orientalism and the Shaping of American Culture, 1776-1882 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999); Mari Yoshihara, Embracing the East: White Women and American Orientalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003); Karen J. Leong, The China Mystique: Pearl S. Buck, Anna May Wong, Mayling Soong, and the Transformation of American Orientalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).

(18.) Henry Yu, Thinking Orientals: Migration, Contact, and Exoticism in Modern America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 10-11.

(19.) Jonathan Goldstein, “Cantonese Artifacts, Chinoiserie, and the Early American Idealization of China,” in America Views China: American Images of China Then and Now, ed. Jonathan Goldstein, et. al. (Bethlehem, Penn.: Lehigh University Press, 1991), 48-50; T.J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1981), 225-41.

(20.) James Edward Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan: Buddhism and its Persecution (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993), 153; Yoshihara, Embracing the East, 18-19.

(21.) For examples of letters from white patients to Ing Hay, see Ethel Carter to Ing Hay, May 19, 1906; P.A. Harbusto to Ing Hay, November 9, 1907; Alvia W. Peters to Ing Hay and Lung On, December 29, 1930; Dorcas Breeding to Ing Hay, May 16, 1941; and Mrs. Albert Morse to Ing Hay, December 21, 1941, Kam Wah Chung Papers, reels 1 and 2.

(22.) Rev. A.W. Loomis, “Medical Art in the Chinese Quarter,” Overland Monthly, 2:6 (1869): 497-502.

(23.) J.W. Ames, “A Day in Chinatown,” Lippincott’s Magazine, 16 (October 1875): 500-501.

(24.) “The Pacific Coast Trade in Chinese Medicines and How a Celestial Pharmacist Makes Drugs Out of Horned Toads,” San Francisco Chronicle Magazine, March 29, 1903.

(25.) “Queer Chinese Medicines,” Los Angeles Times, reprinted in the Washington Post, August 11, 1907.

(26.) “Chinese Poisons,” New York Times, May 20, 1883.

(27.) “Chinese Shot by Highbinder,” The Daily Call, January 27, 1904.

(28.) “Potter Death Still a Mystery,” Los Angeles Times, August 31, 1912.

(29.) “Peach Poison Killed Potter,” New York Times, September 1, 1912.

(30.) Joan M. Jenson and Gloria Ricci Lothrop, California Women: A History (San Francisco, Cal.: Boyd and Fraser, 1987), 58-64; Robert D. Johnston, The Radical Middle Class: Populist Democracy and the Question of Capitalism in Progressive Era Portland, Oregon (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003), 147.

(31.) Nancy F. Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1987), 44.

(32.) “Herb Quacks in Law Net,” Los Angeles Times, June 4, 1907.

(33.) Ibid.

(34.) “In a Frock Coat and High Hat,” Los Angeles Times, March 10, 1908.

(35.) “Herb ‘Doctors’ Taken,” Los Angeles Times, December 10, 1913.

(36.) “Doctor Chan Talks Fight,” Los Angeles Times, July 31, 1907.

(37.) William Tisdale, “Chinese Physicians in California,” Lippincott’s Magazine, vol. 63 (March 1899): 412.

(38.) Ibid., 414.

(39.) Ibid.

(40.) Ibid., 16.

(41.) For one example, see images on pages 280 and 281. There are also two examples from Los Angeles-area physicians reproduced in Bowen, “The Five Eras of Chinese Medicine in California,” 182-83.

(42.) Li Wing, The Science of Oriental Medicine, Diet, and Hygiene, 1902, California Digital Library, http://archive.org/details/ scienceoforientaOOfoowrich (accessed June 28, 2012), 14-15.

(43.) Ibid., 8-9.

(44.) Unschuld, Medicine in China, 78.

(45.) Classified Ad 21–No Title, Los Angeles Times, March 2, 1904; Display Ad 220–No Title, Los Angeles Times, November 17, 1912; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: Los Angeles Times (1881-1987).

(46.) Reprinted in Chia-lin Chen, “The Golden Flower of Prosperity,” October 1, 1971, Portland State University, prepared for Oregon Historical Society, Kam Wah Chung Papers.

(47.) Although Ing Hay was essentially the family doctor in many instances, prescribing and sending medicines for the different ailments of husband, wives, children, and grandparents in the same family, an analysis of patient letters suggests that he treated more women than men. I chose a sample of 117 letters based on the following three criteria: The sample roughly approximated the sex distribution of the entire collection of 249 letters (55 percent male and 45 percent female); I could easily identify both the name and sex of the letter writer and eliminate double counting; letters primarily concerned medical issues and had clear and substantive information about the patients and their treatment. From the data, we can observe that male and female patients wrote to Kam Wah Chung in roughly equal numbers. In both groups, roughly two thirds of the letter writers were themselves patients. The letters from non-patients are arguably more suggestive about the ratio of male to female patients under Ing Hay’s care. Thirty percent of male letter writers were not patients but were writing on behalf of their family members. Among these writers, two thirds of them were writing for female family members only, usually a wife or mother, sometimes a daughter. About the same percentage of female letter writers who were not patients wrote on behalf of family members (26.5 percent). As with their male counterparts, these letters tended to address the needs of female family members (14 percent vs. 9 percent). This suggests that even though male and female letter writers are about equally represented in the collection, women constituted the majority of Ing Hay’s patients. Kam Wah Chung Papers, reels 1 and 2.

(48.) Oregon Historical Society Scrapbook 21, p. 59; Oregon Historical Society Scrapbook 48, p. 126; J. Southworth, A History of Grant County (Dallas: Taylor Publishing Company, 1983), 55, 87-88; Kam Wah Chung Papers, reels 1 and 2; United States Federal Census [database online], Provo, Utah: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2004 (accessed February 28, 2013).

(49.) The “Cult of True Womanhood” is a nineteenth-century phrase first revived in historical scholarship by Barbara Welter, “The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860,” American Quarterly, 18:2 (Summer 1966): 152. See also Elizabeth Jameson, “Women as Workers, Women as Civilizers: True Womanhood in the American West,” in The Women’s West, ed. Susan Armitage and Elizabeth Jameson (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1984). The doctors’ emphasis on motherhood was undeniably out of touch with the “New Woman” of the 1920s. In the wake of the Nineteenth Amendment, a new icon of white femininity had burst onto the scene. Sexually liberated, empowered by the right to vote, and often depicted in a “flapper” costume, the “New Woman” seemed omnipresent in popular media. It is difficult to say whether Chinese doctors’ emphasis on “true womanhood” attracted or repeled the “New Woman” due to the absence of first-person accounts. The “New Woman” of the 1920s did not wholly replace Victorian “true womanhood,” with its emphasis on sexual purity and pious domesticity. See Ellen Carol DuBois and Lynn Dumenil, Through Women’s Eyes: An American History with Documents (Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2005), 483.

(50.) Gynecology as a distinct field of study within Chinese medicine first developed in the Song Dynasty (960-1279). See Charlotte Furth, A Flourishing Yin: Gender in Chinas Medical History, 960-1665 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999).

(51.) Wing, The Science of Oriental Medicine, 167.

(52.) Ibid., 150.

(53.) Ibid.

(54.) Ibid.

(55.) C. Gee Wo, Things Chinese, Fifth Edition, 1924, 49, Oregon Historical Society.

(56.) Wing, The Science of Oriental Medicine, 143.

(57.) Ibid., 70.

(58.) Wo, Things Chinese, 28.

(59.) Ibid., 47-48.

(60.) Unschuld, Medicine in China, 223.

(61.) Wing, The Science of Oriental Medicine, 15.

(62.) Wo, Things Chinese, 30.

(63.) Ibid., 28-30, 38-40.

(64.) Tisdale, “Chinese Physicians in California,” 415. A survey of Kam Wah Chung’s materia medica seems to corroborate Tis dale’s observation. Beth Howlett, Oregon College of Oriental Medicine, interview with author, September 8, 2011.

(65.) Wing, The Science of Oriental Medicine, 154.

(66.) Wo, Things Chinese, 23.

(67.) Whorton, Nature Cures, 155. Boise doctor C.K. Ah Fong successfully sued to have his license reinstated after the Idaho State Board of Medical Examiners stripped it from him in 1899. Smith, “Choosing Chinese Medicine,” 27-28.

(68.) Mei Zhan, Other-worldly: Making Chinese Medicine Through Transnational Frames (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2009), 14.

(69.) “National College of Natural Medicine,”http://ocom.edu/; http://www. ncnm.edu/academic-programs/school-of-classical-chinese-medicine/about-the-medicine.php (accessed June 13, 2013).

(70.) Terri A. Winnick, “From Quackery to ‘Complementary’ Medicine: The American Medical Profession Confronts Alternative Therapies,” Social Problems, 52:1 (February 2005): 53-54.

Research for this article was supported by the Oregon Historical Society’s Donald J. Sterling, Jr., Memorial Senior Research Fellowship.

Source Citation   (MLA 7th Edition)

Shelton, Tamara Venit. “Curiosity or cure? Chinese medicine and American orientalism in progressive era California and Oregon.” Oregon Historical Quarterly Fall 2013: 265. Academic OneFile. Web. 29 Nov. 2014.

Gale Document Number: GALE|A348216141

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Jun 3, 2014 A Madam e-mail To ArthurFan@ChineseMedicineDoctor.US
Dear Dr. Fan,
I spoke with you recently over the phone about my diagnosis of oromandibular dystonia. You had asked that I send you some background, as well as my address to send an herbal remedy to that you have found works well for dystonia patients.

I was diagnosed around 9 years ago by two neurologists (Lahey Cliinic, Mass General) with task-specific oromandibular dystonia. I was doing radio broadcasting (weather reporting) for a couple of years, which involved repetitive phrases and likely- at least in part- brought on the condition. I first developed symptoms while doing the reports in a recording booth, although my conversational speech was normal (behind the microphone I had symptoms, and stepping away from the microphone I had no symptoms). The symptoms intensified over time and I eventually had to quit the broadcasting. My conversational speech eventually became impaired, and it took at least a year (or more) for the condition to go mostly back into remission. I stayed away from the broadcasting until around 10 months ago, and have only been doing a small amount of broadcasting (two hours or so) a week. I started noticing symptoms returning while working in a research lab (that is my primary job and where I spend most of my time). It was a stressful year for me, as I was trying to get a couple of projects finished so I could publish the work- I had invited a colleague of mine to be a co-first author on this work, and we ended up having many stressful, intense conversations about the work that involved constant voice projection (the lab is loud because of background noises). I’m not sure if it was a combination of stress/anxiety coupled with voice projection, and perhaps also coupled with the little bit of broadcasting I had started doing again that brought the condition back. I was also volunteering for a couple of hours a week at a preschool- which involved more voice projection. I first developed symptoms while in the lab, talking with my colleague.

Years ago when the dystonia first appeared, I received scalp acupuncture treatments based on a protocol published in a Chinese journal that showed success in 19 early Parkinson’s patients. This was successful in relieving my symptoms. I’m on the same protocol again and am receiving treatments three times a week. I had published an article in Natural Solutions Magazine (formerly Alternative Medicine Magazine) in collaboration with my acupuncturist. Below my signature is an excerpt from the article.

I was wondering if you could send me information that I could pass along to my acupuncturist that details the protocol that you use with your dystonia patients? I would also be grateful to receive the herbal remedy that you have found works well for oromandibular dystonia. My address is(omitted in this article):

Thank you kindly for your time.
Best wishes,
E
(Excerpt from the published article):
I had been placed on a Bell’s Palsy acupuncture protocol for several months, since this was- at the time- the only neurological disorder my acupuncturist was familiar with, and unfortunately one that is characteristically very different from dystonia. I was about to quit the acupuncture since it wasn’t bringing me any real benefit, when I asked her if she knew of any protocols used to treat Parkinson’s disease- the closest disorder to dystonia that I knew of. Although researchers have not found a direct link between dystonia and Parkinson’s disease, there is great interest in some of the symptom crossover, and research groups are actively trying to better understand the overlap between the two movement disorders. Since Parkinson’s and Dystonia are both neurological and result in similar signs and symptoms, it was possible that a Parkinson’s acupuncture protocol could be adapted to a dystonia patient.

My acupuncturist found a journal article that outlined a protocol that involves both body and scalp acupuncture, and which is used to treat Parkinson’s patients.1 Acupuncture can help relieve symptoms by altering blood hormone levels. In Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM), Parkinson’s and dystonia are believed to be caused by genetics, aging, damage from excessive emotions, faulty diet, and chronic disease. Parkinson’s and Dystonia in TCM are seen as an inability of the blood and yin to nourish sinews and vessels, resulting in contraction, stiffness, and rigidity. The liver in TCM is what governs the sinews, and if the blood and yin become deficient, yang can become hyperactive, resulting in liver wind. These disorders mainly take root in the liver, but can lead to more complex presentations such as phlegm accumulation, qi and blood stagnation, and spleen and kidney deficiency. In TCM, you treat the root cause; in this case, treatment would involve settling the liver and extinguishing wind, and the manifestations, such as phlegm, stagnation, and/ or deficiency. One small study, An Acupuncture Protocol for Parkinson’s Disease,2 showed a total amelioration rate of 84.2 percent when scalp acupuncture was incorporated into an acupuncture treatment.

 

Arthur Yin Fan,CMD,PhD,LAc Jun 3,2014(E-mail) To A Madam (e-mailed me above)

Hi, E,

You may still use scalp and body acupuncture you mentioned. Take time. And also use some local points.

For herbal medicine, we have two:
(1) Pattern based herbology, heal tea.
(2) Dystonia focused herbal pills. It is called Liu Jun San capsule (100 capsule/per bottle, use 3#, 3 times a day).
It was a Chinese FDA (local branch) approved for hospital use (my former hospital).

 

A Madam Jun 3,2014 To Arthur Yin Fan,CMD,PhD,LAc

Dear Dr. Fan,

Thank you very much. I would like to try the dystonia focused herbal pills (if this is what you would recommend for my condition). I had seen a Youtube video of a gentleman with oromandibular dystonia that you had helped, whose symptoms looked (and sounded) identical to my own (lower left lip spasms, pursing of the lips, difficulty speaking). Did he take the dystonia focused herbal pills, or the pattern based herbology, heal tea?
Thank you again,

E

From: A Madam To: ArthurFan@ChineseMedicineDoctor.US
Sent: Thursday, July 10, 2014 8:19 AM
Subject: Request for more dystonia-specific herbal capsules

Dear Dr. Fan,
The herbal capsules that I received from you (Liu Jun San, 3 bottles in early June) seem to be working very well for me. My condition within two weeks of taking them went into a near remission. I still have symptoms, however my conversational speech has dramatically improved and I am even still able to do some radio broadcasting each week. I have also been doing scalp acupuncture, which might be synergistic with the capsules. I was also taking herbal teas prepared by my acupuncturist for several weeks prior to taking the capsules- She said there was some overlap in the ingredients in the teas versus what is in the capsules.

I would like to order another shipment of Liu Jun San for next month. I would actually be interested in continuing to take these capsules indefinitely, as I believe they might be effective in suppressing my symptoms. Is it possible for me to receive an automatic shipment every month, with the money taken out of my credit card each month automatically?

Thank you kindly.
Best wishes,
E

  • Jul 11 at 9:46 PM  To  Arthur Yin Fan,CMD,PhD,LAc
Wonderful! Thank you so much!
I was at a party this evening, by the way, and I was discussing my condition with someone. She said she never would have known if I hadn’t told her. I really am doing so much better- Thank you!
E

Read Full Post »

 

2013-10-24 14:46:59 人民网


毛泽东与保健医生李志绥合影
中医药学是中华民族优秀文化之瑰宝,是我国劳动人民在长期与自然灾害和疾病作斗争中反复实践、总结而逐步形成的一套理论体系和方法。毛泽东历来十分重视民族文化遗产,无论是在革命战争年代还是在和平建设时期,相信和重视发展中医药,都是他的一贯主张。没有专门学过医的毛泽东,在学习历史和社会经验的过程中,学到了许多中医药学辩证思想和中医药学思维方式,他倡导的中医药发展思想对中国医药学的发展发挥了巨大的作用。
毛泽东在杭州刘庄宾馆小憩时说:“中国对世界有三大贡献,第一是中医……”
早在1913年,毛泽东就曾在《讲堂录》笔记中写道:“医道中西,各有所长。中言气脉,西言实验。然言气脉者,理太微妙,常人难识,故常失之虚。言实验者,求专质而气则离矣,故常失其本,则二者又各有所偏矣。”这是迄今为止所发现的毛泽东对中西医学方面的最早论述。
1928年11月25日,毛泽东在《井冈山的斗争》一文中指出:“作战一次,就有一批伤兵。由于营养不足、受冻和其他原因,官兵生病的很多。医院设在山上,用中西两法治疗。”
那时,在井冈山红军医院里,有西医也有中医,许多内科病都是用中医治疗,多数是采用自制中草药。毛泽东曾经指出:鉴于根据地缺医少药,必须发挥中医中药的作用。他说:“草医草药要重视起来,敌人是封锁不了我们的。”当时,红军医院收容200多名参加反“围剿”的伤员,全部采用中医中药治疗病伤。
中医药以它不可低估的药用价值,挽救了许多红军战士的生命,帮助红军度过了艰难岁月。
在延安时,由于环境条件恶劣,毛泽东曾患风湿性关节炎,发作时往往痛得连胳膊都抬不起来。吃了不少西药,仍不见效。一次,开明绅士、名中医李鼎铭到杨家岭来看望毛泽东。他为毛泽东切脉之后,很自信地说,吃四服中药就可以好了。那时,中西医之间矛盾尖锐,毛泽东身边的医生都是西医,他们不同意毛泽东服用中药。
毛泽东则力排众议,坚持把李鼎铭开的四服中药吃了下去。吃完后,疼痛果然消失,胳膊活动自如了。这更使毛泽东认识到中医药的神奇功效。毛泽东又介绍李鼎铭为八路军的干部、战士治病。很快,中医中药成了八路军必不可少的医疗方式。不久,李鼎铭还为八路军培养了一批中医,他们活跃在各个部队。
1949年9月,毛泽东在接见全国卫生行政会议代表时,从保护和发展中医药这一宝贵的祖国文化遗产出发,提出必须很好地团结中医,提高技术,搞好中医工作,发挥中医力量。
1953年,毛泽东在杭州刘庄宾馆小憩时说:“中国对世界有三大贡献,第一是中医……”此说似乎不无戏言成分,但他把中医摆在“三大贡献”之首,表明了其对中医的情结。
1954年,毛泽东作出重要批示:“中药应当很好地保护与发展。我国的中药有几千年历史,是祖国极宝贵的财产,如果任其衰落下去,将是我们的罪过;中医书籍应进行整理……如不整理,就会绝版。”同年,他又指示:“即时成立中医研究院。”于是,在全国范围内调集名医,于1955年12月成立了中国中医研究院,毛泽东还接见了第一任院长鲁之俊。
1956年,毛泽东在同音乐工作者谈话时指出:“应该学外国近代的东西,学了以后来研究中国的东西。就医学来说,要以西方的近代科学来研究中国的传统医学的规律,要发展中国的新医学。”并说:“我们接受外国的长处,会使我们自己的东西有一个跃进。中国的和外国的要有机地结合,而不套用外国的东西。”他还说,历史上中医的一个很大特点是从不拒绝接受外来的好东西,比如中药胖大海,实际上是进口货,但中医拿过来了,现在谁能说它不是中药呢?中医得到发展,是由于兼收并蓄,博采众长。
1958年10月11日,毛泽东在对卫生部党组《关于西医学中医离职学习班的总结报告》的批示中指出:“中国医药学是一个伟大的宝库,应当努力发掘,加以提高。”
毛泽东的一系列讲话和批示,为中医药学的发展指明了方向。

延安时期,针对有些西医看不起中医,毛泽东指出:中西医一定要结合起来
有关中西医结合发展创新的思想,毛泽东早在《井冈山的斗争》一文中就提出了要“用中西两法治疗”。在延安时,毛泽东对名中医李鼎铭说:“现在延安有些西医看不起中医,你看边区的医药事业应如何发展?”李鼎铭说:“中西医各有所长,只有团结起来才能取得进步。”毛泽东说:“你这个想法很好,以后中西医一定要结合起来。”
在学习方法上,毛泽东曾认为中医带徒的方法也很好,一面教读医书学理论,一面带他看病,使理论和实践紧密结合起来,这种教学方法很先进,带一个出一个,很少出“废品”,所谓“名师出高徒”不是一句空话,因为他们让学生从一开始就懂理论与实践的不可分割。
1944年10月30日,毛泽东在陕甘宁边区文教工作者会议上的演讲中谈道:针对150万人口的陕甘宁边区内,还有100多万文盲,2000个巫神,迷信思想还在影响广大的群众。……新医的任务“是联合一切可用的旧知识分子、旧艺人、旧医生来帮助、感化和改造他们,为了改造,先要团结”。
在毛泽东中西医结合思想影响下,陕甘宁边区医务界在延安最先开展了西医学习中医的活动。许多西医虚心拜中医为师。例如,鲁之俊、朱琏等就曾拜老中医任作田为师,学习针灸知识。陕甘宁边区政府表彰了任作田与鲁之俊团结中西医的成绩,并授予他们特等模范奖。
1949年9月,在中央军委总卫生部在北京召开的第一届全国卫生行政会议上,毛泽东对中央军委总卫生部部长贺诚和各大军区卫生部部长作了明确的指示:你们的西医只有一两万,力量薄弱,你们必须很好地团结中医。毛泽东为第一届全国卫生会议题词:“团结新老中西各部分医药卫生工作人员,组成巩固的统一战线。”这一题词为新中国成立初期制定卫生工作方针提供了理论基础和思想基础。
1955年1月,毛泽东在一次关于中医工作的讲话中说:中国6亿人口的健康主要是靠中医,不是靠西医,因为西医的人数很少,中医对人民健康的作用是很大的。中国医药有悠久的历史,对人民有很大的贡献,要建立机构研究中医药,应按对待少数民族政策那样对待他们,各机构中应有他们的成员。对有本事的中医要当专家看待,按专家的待遇对待。
1954年,毛泽东发出“西医学习中医”的号召并提出了一些具体的改进措施:要抽调100名至200名医科大学或医学院的毕业生交给有名的中医,去学他们的临床经验,而学习就应当抱着虚心的态度。西医学习中医是光荣的,因为经过学习、教育、提高,就可以把中西医界限取消,成为中国真正统一的医学,以贡献于世界。
1955年12月,在中医研究院成立的同时,全国第一届西医离职学习中医研究班开学,从全国调来76名有经验的西医脱产两年半学习中医。从1955年底到1956年初,卫生部又在北京、上海、广州、武汉、成都、天津等地举办了6期西医离职学习中医班,从全国范围内抽调部分医学院校毕业生及有一定临床经验的西医参加,系统学习中医理论和治疗技术两年半。参加学习的共有300多人。1955年9月间,北京、上海、广州和成都等地的中医学院相继成立。
1958年10月11日,卫生部党组向中央写了《关于西医学中医离职学习班的总结报告》。毛泽东作了“中国医药学是一个伟大的宝库,应当努力发掘,加以提高”的著名批示。在这一批示中,毛泽东还指出:“我看如能在1958年每个省、市、自治区各办一个70人至80人的西医离职学习班,以两年为期,则在1960年冬或1961年春,我们就有大约2000名这样的中西医结合的高级医生,其中可能出几个高明的理论家。”毛泽东的批示,极大地鼓舞了西医学习中医的积极性。据1960年全国西学中经验交流会时统计的资料,全国西医离职学习中医班有37个,学员2300余人,在职学习中医的有36000余人。高、中级医药院校,也大多开设了中医学课程,培养了一大批西学中人员。其中,大多数成为以后中医或中西医结合研究的技术骨干和学术带头人,为今天中医药能够走出国门、走向世界作出了杰出的贡献。
毛泽东认为:“学习各国的东西,是为了改进和发扬中国的东西,创造中国独特的新东西。”“就医学来说,要以西方的近代科学来研究中国的传统医学的规律,发展中国的新医学。”“西方的医学和有关的近代科学、生理学、病理学、生物学、化学、解剖学等,这些近代的科学都要学。但是,学习西医的人,其中一部分又要学中医,以便运用近代科学的知识和方法来整理和研究我国旧有的中医中药,以便使中医中药的知识和西医西药的知识结合起来,创造中国统一的新医学、新药学。”在这里,毛泽东最先指出了中西医结合研究的内涵。
针对歧视、排斥中医的现象,毛泽东严肃地指出:几年来,都解放了,唱戏的也得到了解放,但是中医还没得到解放
近百年来,中国历史上有过许多次歧视、消灭中医的沉痛教训。
尽管中医药教育长期以来以“祖传师承”、“开办学校”两种方式在民间延续着,但在1922年北洋政府时期颁布施行教育系列方案时,中医药学就被排斥于正规教育体系之外,此举曾引起中医界的抗争,引发了近代中医抗争运动。国民党政府在1929年曾提出“废止旧医,以扫除医事卫生之障碍”的方针;1936年又提出“国医在科学上无根据”,一律不许执业的谬论。国民党当局始终也没有同意中医办教育。随着西学东渐,特别是抗生素等药物的产生和应用,西医急性传染病和感染性疾病的诊疗水平有了很大提高,使传统的中医药学临床应用受到了严峻的挑战和考验。如何认识中医药,怎样利用中医药,成为摆在中国共产党人面前的现实问题。毛泽东在充分肯定中医药学的同时,也指出了中医药学的历史局限性,即缺少现代科学的解释,应加以提高。他说:“看不起中医是不对的,把中医说得都好、太好,也是错误的”,“我们对中医必须有全面的、正确的认识,必须批判地接受这份遗产,必须把一切积极因素保存和发扬”。
新中国成立初,一直存在着两种截然对立的倾向。一是有些人对中医抱着一种历史虚无主义的态度,说中医“不科学”,中药“不卫生”。二是在中医界内部,有些人把中医神秘化,认为中医“百病皆治”、“完美无缺”,不需要用现代科学、也不能用现代科学方法来加以整理和研究。因此,团结中西医的方针在新中国成立后的头几年里,卫生部门领导也一直没有认真执行。
1951年,卫生部的个别领导公开发表文章,称中医为“封建医”,把中医中药知识看作是封建社会的“上层建筑”,应该随封建社会的消灭而被消灭。这一错误观点流传很广,并得到一些人的支持,成为有些卫生行政部门的干部实行排挤和逐步消灭中医的理论依据,从而引起广大的中医和人民群众的不满。特别是1951年5月1日卫生部公布的《中医师暂行条例》及实施细则,与1952年10月4日公布的《中医师考试暂行办法》,均规定了一些不切实际的要求和过于苛刻的办法,使大多数中医不能合法执业。在国家实行公费医疗制度中,中医药治疗费用不能报销,中医无法发挥应有的作用。1951年12月,卫生部发出的《关于组织中医进修学校及进修班的通知》,尽管目的是组织中医进修业务,但讲授的大都是西医课程。对中医的提高和改造要求过高过急,不是从保持中医传统的理论和医疗特色出发来发展中医,而是错误地认为中医必将被西医代替,由城市到乡村,由乡村走向自然淘汰。
当时,由中央卫生部直接领导的中医师资格审查,仅就华北地区68个县来讲,竟有90%以上的中医师被认为是“不合格”的。对中医师的考试,由于多为西医内容,使得大多数中医师被淘汰。如在天津中医师考试中,其结果仅有1/10的中医师通过。在高等教育中没有中医药这一学科,使得中医药人才的培养问题没有着落。
针对当时普遍存在的认为中医不科学而歧视、排斥中医的现象,毛泽东在1954年就及时纠正说:“中医对我国人民的贡献是很大的,中国有六万万人口,是世界上人口最多的国家,我国人民所以能够生衍繁殖,日益兴盛,当然有许多原因,但卫生保健事业所起的作用是其中重要原因之一,这方面首先应归功于中医。”他又说:“中西医比较起来,中医有几千年的历史,而西医传入中国不过几十年,直到今天我国人民疾病诊疗仍靠中医的仍占五万万以上,依靠西医的则仅数千万(而且多半在城市里)。因此,若就中国有史以来的卫生教育事业来说,中医的贡献与功劳是很大的。祖国医学遗产若干年来,不仅未被发扬,反而受到轻视与排斥,对中央关于团结中西医的指示未贯彻,中西医的真正团结还未解决,这是错误的,这个问题一定要解决,错误一定要纠正。首先各级卫生行政部门思想上要改变。”
1955年,毛泽东在一次会上又严肃指出:几年来,都解放了,唱戏的也得到了解放,但是中医还没得到解放。中医进修西医化了。看不起中医药,是奴颜婢膝奴才式的资产阶级思想。
为了全面纠正影响中西医团结的错误倾向,毛泽东和党中央采取了一系列重大措施。1954年11月,中共中央批转国务院文委党组《关于改进中医工作的报告》。卫生部于1955年2月2日发出《关于取消禁止中医使用白纸处方规定的通知》,旨在取消对中医行医的限制。1956年11月27日,卫生部发布了《关于废除中医师暂行条例的通令》。《通令》称:本部在1951年5月1日公布的《中医师暂行条例》,与党的中医政策精神相违背,使中医工作受到严重损害,特此宣布废除。
1954年下半年,北京、天津、上海等大城市的各大医院,开始吸收中医参加工作,并设置中医门诊和中医病床,公费医疗也明确规定中医看病吃药准予报销。据1958年统计,当时全国已建立了300多家中医医院。在党的中医政策的指引下,从中央到地方的各级卫生行政机关,吸收中医参加领导工作并设置中医管理机构,从而极大地提高了中医的政治地位。
毛泽东风趣地对施今墨说:“你们同行是不是冤家啊?”
毛泽东不仅关心着中医药事业的发展,而且还与许多名医都有交往,请他们看病,甚至与他们亲切长谈。有一次,毛泽东宴请一些知名人士,其中就有北京四大名中医之一的施今墨先生。施今墨与著名西医专家黄家驷、林巧稚等同桌。毛泽东风趣地对施今墨说:“你很有名啊,我在年轻时就听说过你。你们同行是不是冤家啊?”施今墨回答:“主席,我们团结得很好,互相很尊重。”毛泽东听了很高兴。
1955年,上海名中医章次公先生被调到卫生部任中医顾问。不久,中央“四老”之一的林伯渠患病颇重,呃逆月余不止,章次公赴治,三剂药治好了林伯渠。中央办公厅一位同志在闲谈时对毛泽东说:“卫生部新来了一位老中医章老,那医术可神了……”接着又将林老案例讲给毛泽东听。毛泽东高兴地说:“我早对你们讲过,中医不比西医差嘛,你们还不信。”过了几天,毛泽东身体不适,指名请章次公为他看病。此后,毛泽东曾两次约请章次公彻夜长谈中医学。他看过不少中医书,提了许多问题,章次公均对答如流,毛泽东会心地说了一句:“难得之高士也。”
1957年夏天,中共中央在青岛召开各省、市、自治区党委书记会议。其间,毛泽东到海水浴场游泳时,不慎得了感冒,加上失眠的困扰,病情日渐严重。随行的保健医生用西药治疗,效果不好。中共山东省委第一书记舒同得知后,便推荐山东著名的老中医刘惠民给毛泽东看病。因为刘惠民大夫开起药方来多用一般医生不太敢用的毒性较强的药材,因此,保健医生和毛泽东身边的工作人员都表示担心,不同意毛泽东吃。刘惠民也因事关重大而心有顾忌,一再表示:“药方可以开,但必须由舒书记的夫人亲自跟我去药店抓药、亲自煎药,并亲自看着主席喝下去才行。”
面对两种截然不同的意见,舒同当即表示:“刘大夫治感冒的药我吃过,的确很灵。他要求由我的爱人给主席煎药,我同意。万一有问题,由我们夫妻负责。”
最后,征求毛泽东自己的意见。毛泽东虽在病中,但仍不失幽默地说:“舒同同志担保了的,我不怕!”
于是,舒同的夫人石澜便在这样一种特殊的背景下,担当起了为毛泽东抓药、煎药的特殊任务。
3天后,毛泽东的感冒症状完全消失了,而且睡眠也逐渐好起来。毛泽东感到特别高兴。
毛泽东问起刘大夫的药方里有一味“酸枣仁”是起什么作用的,为什么要“生、熟合起来捣”。
舒同夫人石澜回答:“药用的酸枣仁,数陕北的最好。当年在延安,主席您住过的那个杨家岭满山都是酸枣树。我们常去摘一些酸枣回来,放在衣兜里当水果吃。酸枣仁这东西,生吃能提神,炒熟了吃能安神。生、熟捣碎入药,就能同时发挥两种作用,平衡中枢神经。所以您不仅感冒好了,睡眠也好了。这正是刘大夫的高明之处呀!”
毛泽东听后哈哈大笑,对坐在一旁的舒同说:“看看,你的夫人讲得多细,将来可以改行当医生了!”11月,毛泽东应邀赴莫斯科参加世界各国共产党和工人党代表大会,刘惠民被指定为保健医生,随同毛泽东前往。
1959年冬,刘惠民为毛泽东诊治感冒。在开处方时,毛泽东忽然提了个问题,问刘惠民民间常说的“上火”怎样解释。刘惠民用中医理论解释后,毛泽东笑着说:你讲的这些我不懂啊,你看怎么办?刘惠民略微思索一下,回答说:“西医学了中医,再用中医的话讲出来,主席就懂了。”毛泽东听后,非常高兴地站起来,说:“对喽,所以我说,关键的问题在于西医学习中医。”
毛泽东接受中医治疗最精彩的一幕是针拨治疗白内障。1974年底,毛泽东患老年性白内障,双目已近失明。经过慎重考虑,中央决定由中国中医研究院著名眼科专家唐由之为毛泽东实施针拨术。中医传统方法中有一种“金针拨障法”,民间失传已久,但该方法已由中国中医研究院继承下来并有所发展和改进,唐由之是主要负责专家。毛泽东知道后,欣然同意做手术。
1975年7月23日,唐由之顺利地完成了这一手术。在手术过程中,毛泽东示意播放古典乐曲《满江红》,其心率、血压一直正常。
做了白内障手术后,需要休息几天,但毛泽东只隔一天就忙着看起书来,唐由之劝阻不住。毛泽东看了一会儿,果然感到眼睛不舒服,便停下来说:“唐由之啊,我们的争论,你胜利啦!”他还伸出右手食指和中指做了一个“V”字形手势。唐由之说:“主席,您亦胜利了,因为您要我们用中医中药的知识和西医西药的知识结合起来,今天给主席做的白内障手术,就是在这种思想指引下研究成功的。”毛泽东听后会意地笑了。
毛泽东:“祝针灸万岁!”
中国的针灸,已有2000多年的历史。针灸的起源,可能比药引还要早,是我国最宝贵的医学遗产之一。针灸疗法以操作简单、应用广泛、疗效迅速、安全经济等特点,深受广大人民群众的欢迎。针灸疗法在中国人民对疾病的斗争中发挥了巨大作用,促进了我国医疗保健事业的发展。但是,自西医传入中国以来,由于崇洋媚外思想的影响,有一些人忽视广大人民群众对针灸治病的实际需要,一味地说中医针灸“落后”、“不科学”,是“土东西”,全盘加以否定。
毛泽东熟读史书,对历史上针灸的治疗作用非常了解。他在读司马迁的《史记·扁鹊仓公列传》时就知道,约在公元前5世纪的扁鹊,用针刺法使昏迷不省人事的“尸蹶”病人苏醒过来,经过其他综合治疗,使病人完全康复,被誉为“起死回生”的妙术。《后汉书·华佗传》里,也记载有华佗用针灸治曹操顽固的“头风”。毛泽东在读《旧唐书》时,熟悉名医甄权的传记,当时鲁州刺史库狄苦于“风痛”,两手无法拉弓射箭,虽经不少医生治疗均未奏效,后请甄权诊视。甄权认为只需针刺一次即能痊愈。果然在针刺“肩髁”穴后,两手即能引弓而射。《宋史·许希传》里也讲到宋仁宗的病被许希用针刺医好。这些史书所述,都给毛泽东留下了深刻的印象。
19世纪以后,清政府对针灸疗法蛮横地加以排斥和打击,并于1822年下令永远停止在“太医院”中施行针灸疗法。从此针灸被当成“土东西”而被忽视。
新中国成立后,毛泽东主张对包括针灸术在内的中国优秀传统文化加以批判地吸收继承。他认为:“针灸是中医里的精华,要好好地推广、研究,它将来的发展前途很广。”
1955年4月,毛泽东在杭州邀请著名针灸专家、卫生部副部长朱琏一道吃晚饭。在跟朱琏谈天的时候,毛泽东说起了她的《新针灸学》一书。这本书是3月23日送呈毛泽东的。毛泽东不但全看了,而且颇为赞同其中说到的针灸与现代医学理论发展的关系。毛泽东对朱琏说:“巴甫洛夫的高级神经活动学说的理论,对针灸治病的神秘提供了解释的钥匙。反过来针灸又能够给它提供丰富的实际材料。如进一步研究,一定可以发挥更大的效果,丰富与充实现代的医学,研究针灸,对医学理论的改革将发生极大的作用,是吗?”他征询朱琏的看法,朱琏肯定地回答说是的。毛泽东也频频点头:“很好,医学理论的确要改革。”
开饭了,菜有几盘,却不奢侈。大家都举起面前的酒杯。毛泽东也站起来,举杯说:“今天–”他沉吟着,该说什么祝酒词呢?
叶子龙接过话说:“今天祝各界大团结万岁。”
毛泽东说:“不是。今天–是祝针灸万岁!”他环顾几个在座的大夫,自己先喝了一口酒,接着说:“你们不要以为针灸是土东西。针灸不是土东西,针灸是科学的,将来各国都要用它。”
他打手势让大家都坐下,自己也放下了酒杯,接着说道:“中医的经验,需要有西医参加整理,单靠中医本身是很难整理的啊。”
在毛泽东的鼓励和支持下,朱琏著的《新针灸学》被译成数国文字,在国外出版发行。
在毛泽东“针灸是科学的”正确思想指引下,中国的针灸疗法获得了飞跃发展。针灸不仅在民间广泛地流传和应用,满足了人民群众医疗上的需要,而且不断走出国门,受到世界各国人民的重视和信赖。
1971年7月,美国《纽约时报》驻华盛顿办事处主任詹姆斯·雷斯顿来华访问。《纽约时报》是美国的一份大型传统日报,以及时、准确、权威而著称。该报十分重视选择头版要闻,对于较长的文章,经常是第一段登在头版,其余部分则登在后面。詹姆斯是美国资深记者,擅长时政报道,获过多次新闻大奖。这年7月,詹姆斯被派往中国采访,在北京参观了很多单位,包括到中医院参观针灸治疗。他在访问中不幸患上阑尾炎,在北京一家医院接受阑尾切除手术治疗。当时周恩来指示:一定要把手术做好,千万不能感染。术中使用的是常规药物麻醉。术后他感到腹部不适,便接受了针灸治疗。回美国后,詹姆斯于7月26日在《纽约时报》头版发了一篇报道,标题是《现在让我告诉你们我在北京的手术》,头版只登了一小段,而文章的主要部分登在第6版上,正题为《现在让我告诉你们我在北京的阑尾切除手术》,文章占了将近一整版,并配有作者访问北京一家中医院针灸诊疗室的照片。詹姆斯当时已经62岁,由于他的不平凡的经历和《纽约时报》在新闻界中的地位,在一般美国人心中,像这样的记者写出的文章可信度是极高的。动手术可用小小的银针来麻醉,病人不觉疼痛,还可治疗好多病,没有毒副作用,这在西方可是从来没有过的神奇事。当时又正值白宫刚刚宣布尼克松总统将于1972年访华,美国公众对东方大国–中国有一种神秘感,从而使针灸医术的神奇疗效在美国民众中引发了浓厚兴趣。
1972年,尼克松首次率团访华,参观了中国的“针刺麻醉”胸外科做肺切除手术,神经外科做颅脑肿瘤的切除手术,看到病人都在清醒的状态下接受开胸、开颅等大型手术,感到十分惊奇,难以理解。在向尼克松赠送的礼品中,还有一本外文出版社出版的英文版《中国针刺麻醉》一书。代表团返美后纷纷宣传“针刺麻醉”的神奇,再一次引起美国民众的浓厚兴趣,特别是美国医务界对中国针灸医术开始有学习的愿望。中医针灸也随之传入美国,并在世界上产生了“中医热”和“针灸热”。
目前,世界上许多国家和地区设立了中医药机构,中医药正逐步走向国际化,实现了毛泽东的夙愿。

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